In response to escalating violence and widespread human rights abuses in CAR, the Security Council unanimously adopted UNSCR 2127 on 5 December 2013 which: 1) imposed an embargo on the supply of arms and related material of all types with certain exceptions (UN authorized international military forces and CAR security forces, if approved in advance by the Sanctions Committee); 2) authorized states to seize and dispose of prohibited items; and 3) established a Sanctions Committee and Panel of Experts to monitor sanctions implementation. It also expressed the UN’s “strong intent” to consider imposing “targeted measures, including travel bans, and asset freezes, against individuals who act to undermine the peace, stability and security.”
The resolution also authorized the deployment of the Africa-led International Support Mission in the Central African Republic (MISCA) and French troops already present in the country to protect civilians, stabilize the country and create conditions conducive to providing humanitarian assistance, and neutralize armed groups. There was fear that the situation could turn into one of genocide and the Secretary-General was asked to undertake contingency preparations for its possible transformation into a UN peacekeeping operation.
Following street battles between ex-Séléka and anti-Balaka militias in the CAR capital, Bangui, in December 2013, the ECCAS summoned President Djotodia and his Prime Minister to the Chadian capital on 9 January 2014 and forced them to resign. The National Transition Council which was set up as a temporary parliament after the Séleka coup, validated the resignations and on 20 January, designated a new head of state, Catherine Samba-Panza, former mayor of Bangui. An International Commission of Inquiry was appointed to investigate human rights abuses. UNSCR 2134 was adopted on 28 January 2014: 1) extending BINUCA; 2) authorizing the use of force by EU troops; and 3) authorizing travel bans and asset freezes against individuals undermining peace, threatening the transitional political process, and committing atrocities.
In February 2014 sectarian violence by Christian anti-Balaka militias against the minority Muslim population increased. In April 2014, UNSCR 2149 was adopted, replacing the Africa-led military support mission to CAR (MISCA) with a UN PKO (MINUSCA), giving it authority to take “urgent temporary measures” to maintain peace and security as well as to monitor the arms imports embargo implementation, including inspection, seizure, and disposal of any such arms.
In May 2014, the first individual designations (asset freeze and travel ban) were made on 3 individuals, one on each side of the conflict (Séléka and anti-Balaka), and the former President Bozizé, who was allegedly trying to undermine the government and return to power from his exile in Uganda.
Peace talks were convened in Brazzaville in late July 2014, and a ceasefire involving the Séléka and the anti-Balaka was signed, but largely ignored subsequently. In December 2014 there were reports of a continuation of gross human rights violations and a resurgence of violence by both groups, both in Bangui and throughout the country. The transitional government was having difficulty securing control over the country, DDRR (Disarmament, Demobilization, Reintegration and Repatriation) was limited, and according to the Panel of Experts, armed groups were financing themselves with taxes on export of diamonds and gold.
UNSCR 2196 (22 January 2015) extended the sanctions and mandate of the Committee and its Panel of Experts for another year, and in late January, another truce was signed (this time in Nairobi) between anti-Balaka and ex-Séléka officials. Once again, however, it appeared to have little effect on the ground, as violence continued in February.
Additional designations were made on 20 August 2015 (3 more individuals and one entity, a diamond mining company). Again, the designations were made on both anti-Balaka and former Séléka. Presidential elections were initially scheduled for October 2015, however, an escalation in violence in September and October 2015 led to postponement of the electoral process. International peacekeepers succeeded in halting Séléka and anti-Balaka marches towards Bangui, and the visit of Pope Francis to Bangui in late November 2015 prompted a short-lived period of dialogue between Christian and Muslim communities in Bangui. A referendum on the adoption of a new constitution was held in December 2015. The electoral process received the support of former Séléka leader Noureddine Adam and the new constitution was approved by 93 percent of voters. Nevertheless, the Séléka leader proclaimed the Autonomous Republic of Logone the day after the plebiscite, announcing a possible future attempt at creating an independent state, and MINUSCA threatened to employ force, if necessary, to resist any separatist attempt.
The first round of presidential and legislative elections was held in December 2015. The electoral process was sullied by sporadic episodes of violence and allegations of electoral fraud and misconduct. The National Electoral Authority decided to hold new rounds of legislative elections in February 2016, with run-offs in March 2016. Independent candidate Faustin Archange Touadera, who ran on a platform to “make the CAR a united country,” was elected with 63 percent of the votes cast.
While there was some improvement in the security situation in early 2016 following the election of President Touadera, it was short-lived. Séléka factions maintained their fighting capacity and continued to control large portions of territory. The anti-Balaka took on a lower profile role, since it was easier to integrate some of them into the new government’s DDRR program (though they remained actively engaged in conflict in some areas of the north of the country).
The beginning of 2016 also saw an increase in activity of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in the south-eastern part of the country. The Panel of Experts report from December 2015 argued that Joseph Kony and his inner circle encouraged military commanders of LRA to loot and poach inside the CAR, Uganda, and northern DRC from an enclave bordering South Sudan and the CAR. Chadian military forces as well as Sudanese poachers, often competing with the LRA, have also trespassed into CAR territory committing human rights violations against Central African nationals and illegally extracting natural resources such as ivory, gold and diamonds from the country. In March 2016 the Committee added the LRA and its leader Joseph Kony to the CAR sanctions list.
Anti-Balaka, Séléka and the Democratic Front of the Central African People (FDPC) insurgents, which still control parts of the country, continued to extract illicit revenue from trade in natural resources and agricultural products, taxation, and racketeering. Cross-border trafficking of arms (particularly from Cameroon) as well as looting of improperly stored stockpiles of CAR security forces became the largest sources of arms for non-governmental forces. The government attempted to engage in dialogue with armed groups and establish state authority throughout the CAR while engaging in DDRR.
A Panel of Experts report noted the persistent violations of the UN travel ban, with sanctioned Séléka leader Nourredine Adam travelling to Kenya, South Africa, and Uganda, and former President Bozize travelling twice to South Africa, once to Kenya and to the Congo. Two more individuals associated with the LRA (as well as the LRA as an entity) were added to the list in 2016, and an additional name was added in 2017. The Panel of Experts observed in early 2016 that sanctioned individuals continue to represent a major threat to peace and stability in the CAR, while others were elected as members of the new parliament, representing a significant setback to the fight against impunity promoted by the international community.
The new government proved unable to establish itself as a provider of security in the country, as violence among ex-Séléka factions and by anti-Balaka forces against the minority Muslim population continued. Outbreaks of violence in the capital Bangui (linked to both Séléka and anti-Balaka militias) underscored the government’s limited authority.
Sanctions did not appear to be effective in constraining the violence during 2016. The Panel of Experts reported arms trafficking from Chad, the LRA continued to attack civilian populations in the southeast, and while the Panel argued that individual targeted measures had an “important signaling effect,” they were poorly implemented. Even the CAR judiciary failed to issue arrest warrants for known perpetrators of violence (including against UN peacekeepers). By the end of the year, some government officials began to blame the arms embargo for the deteriorating security situation in the country, claiming that not enough arms and munitions were available to government military and police forces (despite the presence of conditional exemptions for the government). There were demonstrations against MINUSCA on UN Day in October.
June 2017 saw the signing of a ceasefire agreement by a number of armed groups in Rome (mediated by the EU and the Catholic Church), the fifth such agreement signed in the previous four years, but no real ceasefire ensued. By the middle of the year, the Panel reported that most of the territory of the country was under the control of various armed groups: in the northwest, ex-Séléka factions and anti-Balaka militias, in the east, the LRA remained active, and in areas around Bangui, anti-Balaka groups and various self-defense groups. Despite the presence of nearly 12,000 peacekeepers, half a million people were displaced from their homes by the violence. Arms continued to flow into the country from Chad, Sudan and the DRC, travel ban violations continued, and the CAR government itself refused to implement the asset freeze against listed individuals elected to office or holding senior government positions. The African Initiative for Peace and Reconciliation in the CAR and the roadmap it produced in Libreville in July 2017 raised hopes about a possible mediated settlement, but they were not realized.
By the end of 2017, the security situation continued to deteriorate. The Christian anti-Balaka groups continued to target Muslim populations, and self-defense groups affiliated with the anti-Balaka engaged in incitement against Muslims, raising concerns about ethnic cleansing. The UN itself became the focus of attack, and there was no improvement in the enforcement of sanctions. Inter-communal violence between Christians and Muslims flared in Bangui during the first half of 2018, and attacks on UN peacekeepers continued. The International Crisis Group argued in May 2018 that the peacekeepers had failed to change the balance of power on the ground, the government had failed to halt inter-communal tensions in the country, and that competing mediation initiatives had complicated the situation.
State authority remains absent in most of the country with pockets of violence, including inter-ethnic clashes, human rights violations, sexual violence, and attacks on French military forces and MINUSCA continuing on a frequent basis. The lack of control over the territory now included parts of the capital.
Coerce individuals and groups from committing violence and threatening the political process of stabilization and reconciliation.
Constrain parties (especially former Séléka and anti-Balaka militia groups, as well as the LRA) from engaging in violence.
Signal support for regional and UN mediation and peacekeeping operations (AU/France/EU and ECCAS).
Arms imports embargo (conditionally exempting Government forces, with Committee approval) and travel ban against individuals and assets freeze against individuals or entities undermining peace and stability, threatening transitional agreements, or fueling violence (both from January 2014).
Sanctions were imposed for a limited time period (1 year) and have been renewed periodically. Sanctions Committee and Panel of Experts were created. Designation criteria were specified and targets designated. Current and maximum number of designees during the episode – 11 individual designees (former President Bozizé, 3 ex-Séléka, 4 anti-Balaka, and 3 LRA) and 2 entities (a Belgian-based diamond firm and the LRA). PKO has enforcement role.
Ceasefire agreements have been signed, but they are consistently violated; improvements in the security situation around Bangui have not been sustained and the government is unable to provide security for its population.
Sanctions are limited to a small number of leaders and are not being enforced; regional diplomatic negotiations (AU and ECCAS) and presence of military forces on the ground (MINUSCA and French forces) more significant to the outcome.
The ex-Séléka, anti-Balaka, the LRA, and other armed groups continue to have access to financial resources (through trade in natural resources, human trafficking, and local “taxation”) and arms and ammunition are widely available from neighboring countries and raids on police facilities.
Region is awash in arms and the arms embargo is not being enforced; presence of military forces on the ground more significant to the outcome; travel ban has been violated by designees on both sides.
UN authorization of African-led Mission signaled support for regional (AU and ECCAS) peacekeeping operations, and reinforced transitional and peace agreements. Specific naming of Séléka and the anti-Balaka militias and designation of their leaders provided some stigmatization.
Sending UN peacekeeping mission and regional negotiation efforts were more significant to the outcome.
Decline in the credibility and/or legitimacy of UN Security Council.